Why do we ignore the Vietnamese people’s plight?

By Bruce Kesler

How can I ask you to think about the Vietnamese people when U.S. interests are absorbed by the crises in the Middle East, the nuclear threats from Iran and North Korea, or in big power diplomacy with Russia and China?

Simple answer: If our principles and efforts in those crises mean anything, some consistency is required, particularly where they can do some tangible, near-term good, and if our pledges to Iraqis or Israelis mean anything, they must be demonstrated to the people of our prior war.

The United States holds the key to Vietnam’s much desired entry into the World Trade Organization, and must first insist on concrete and verifiable compliance by Vietnam in meeting its so far hollow human rights pledges.

Instead,across political party lines, U.S. commercial interests are more committed to their potential profits foregoing this leverage regardless of the human price, and withstrong Bush administration support have lobbied so far successfully for Congress to approve Permanent Normal Trade Relations for Vietnam to enter the WTO. President Bush is planned to visit Vietnam next November, and aside from the theory this would leverage relations with China, would welcome a peaceful coexistence demonstration with this former enemy.

Yet,President Bush crows in Moscow, as negotiations are unsuccessful for U.S. support of Russia entering the WTO, that

“We’re tough negotiators,” Bush said when a Russian reporter asked about U.S. resistance. “And the reason why is because we want the agreement that we reach to be accepted by our United States Congress.”

Where’s the “tough negotiators” for the Vietnamese people’s human rights?

In today’s Washington Post, afeature article trumpets Vietnam’s expanding economy and its trade prospects:

“WTO seems to be motivating quite a considerable amount of change in Vietnam,” said Jonathan Pincus, senior country economist for the U.N. Development Program. “The vast majority of that change has been positive. The vast majority of that change is still to come.”
Entry to the WTO would follow nearly two decades of economic liberalization that helped transform Vietnam into one of Asia’s fastest-growing economies. Despite widespread corruption and bureaucratic lassitude, Vietnam’s economy has expanded by 50 percent in the last five years.

But, not a word in this Washington Post feature article out of over 1200 about the sad state of human rights in Vietnam.

This is curious, to say the least, from a newspaper that along with others in the major media are so quick to headline the latest charges about U.S. purported human rights failures in the War On Terror. Even more curious is that the leftist staff in NGO Human Rights Watch’s Middle East section are the source of so many such criticisms, yet when theExecutive Director of HRW’s Asia Division just issued a scathing open letter to Vietnam’s Prime Minister about Vietnam’s well documented depredations, the Washington Post and the rest of the MSM can’t find room to feature it.

Some examples from HRW:

* As you know, Article 19 of the ICCPR provides for the right to freedom of expression. In contrast, Vietnam’s Law on Publications strictly bans publications that oppose the government, divulge state secrets, or disseminate reactionary ideas. According to Vietnam’s Press Law, the role of the media is to serve as the voice of the party and state. There are no privately-owned media outlets; all publications are published by the government, the Party, or Party-controlled organizations.

In addition, the government controls the Internet by blocking websites considered objectionable or politically sensitive, monitoring email and on-line forums, and making Internet café owners responsible for information accessed and transferred on the Internet by their customers.

* Article 21 of the ICCPR recognizes the right of peaceful assembly, and Article 22 provides for the right to freedom of association with others. In Vietnam, however, political parties, unions, and nongovernmental human rights organizations that are independent of the government, the Party or mass organizations controlled by the Party are not allowed to operate. Public demonstrations are extremely rare, especially after government crackdowns against mass protests in the Central Highlands in 2001 and 2004.

* Followers of religions that are not officially recognized by the government continue to be persecuted. Security officials disperse their religious gatherings, confiscate religious literature, and summon religious leaders to police stations for interrogation.
* Hundreds of religious and political prisoners remain behind bars in prisons throughout Vietnam, including in Ha Nam, Dong Nai, Phu Yen, Nghe An / Ha Tinh, and Thanh Hoa provinces. There is compelling evidence of torture and other mistreatment of detainees. Prison conditions are extremely harsh and fall far short of international standards. We have received reports of solitary confinement of detainees in cramped, dark, unsanitary cells; and of police beating, kicking, and using electric shock batons on detainees, or allowing inmates or prison gangs to carry out beatings of fellow prisoners with impunity.

Police officers routinely arrest and detain suspects without written warrants. The judicial system is vulnerable to government or party interference and pressure. Trials of dissidents are closed to the public, the media, and often to the families of the detainees themselves. Defendants often do not have access to independent legal counsel.

Similarly, in June the

President of the Paris-based Vietnam Committee on Human Rights and Vice-President of the International Federation of Human Rights (FIDH), wrote to UN Secretary-general Kofi Annan, the UN High Commissioner on Human Rights, Louise Arbour and the President of the UN Human Rights Council, Luis Alfonso de Alba to draw their attention to the gross and systematic human rights violations in Vietnam, which he qualified as “a veritable blight on humanity”.

Mr. Ai called on the new UN Human Rights Council to address the situation in Vietnam as an urgent priority, stating that Vietnam was “seeking to become a full member of the international community whilst cynically disdaining its binding obligations to respect human rights”.

Annexed to his letter was a new report by the Vietnam Committee entitled “2006 : Grave Violations of Human Rights in Vietnam” with a detailed overview of “Vietnam’s policy of complete lack of dialogue with UN human rights mechanisms combined with systematic abuses of its citizens fundamental rights”. (See full text).

The document describes political repression orchestrated at the highest levels of the Vietnamese Communist Party and State, and the regime’s total non-compliance with UN human rights mechanisms. Vietnam has systematically refused to invite UN Special Rapporteurs (on Freedom of Expression, Freedom of Religion etc.) to visit Vietnam since 1998, when the then UN Special Rapporteur on Religious Intolerance, Abdelfattah Amor issued a highly critical report on the religious freedom and human rights situation following his in situ visit. Moreover, the government fails to submit mandatory periodic reports (due every 2 years) on its implementation of UN treaties ratified by Vietnam. Its report on the UN International Covenant on Social, Economic and Cultural Rights, one of the UN’s key human rights treaties, is overdue since 1995. Concerning the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, not only has Vietnam taken no heed of the UN Human Rights Committee’s recommendations to bring Vietnamese laws into line with international human rights law, but has done exactly the opposite, adopting extensive new legistation to “codify” political repression and stifle peaceful dissent.

There’s more examples here at theMontagnard Foundation.

Congress has demonstrated independence on other matters. Congress should demonstrate it again here, requiring real and documented progress on human rights in Vietnam before granting Permanent Normal Trade Relations and Vietnam’s entry to the WTO.

Reprinted with permission of Bruce N. Kesler, ChFC REBC RHU CLU

“The Rise of China Will Not Be Peaceful at All”

The Australian, November 18, 2005

by John Mearsheimer

President Bush hopes the Asian giant will be a friendly one, but John Mearsheimer is a pessimist. The question at hand is simple and profound: will China rise peacefully?

My answer is no.

If China continues its impressive economic growth over the next few decades, the US and China are likely to engage in an intense security competition with considerable potential for war. Most of China’s neighbours, to include India, Japan, Singapore, South Korea, Russia and Vietnam, will join with the US to contain China’s power. To predict the future in Asia, one needs a theory that explains how rising powers are likely to act and how other states will react to them. My theory of international politics says that the mightiest states attempt to establish hegemony in their own region while making sure that no rival great power dominates another region. The ultimate goal of every great power is to maximise its share of world power and eventually dominate the system.

The international system has several defining characteristics. The main actors are states that operate in anarchy which simply means that there is no higher authority above them. All great powers have some offensive military capability, which means that they can hurt each other. Finally, no state can know the future intentions of other states with certainty. The best way to survive in such a system is to be as powerful as possible, relative to potential rivals. The mightier a state is, the less likely it is that another state will attack it. The great powers do not merely strive to be the strongest great power, although that is a welcome outcome. Their ultimate aim is to be the hegemon, the only great power in the system. But it is almost impossible for any state to achieve global hegemony in the modern world, because it is too hard to project and sustain power around the globe. Even the US is a regional but not a global hegemon. The best that a state can hope for is to dominate its own back yard. States that gain regional hegemony have a further aim: to prevent other geographical areas from being dominated by other great powers.

Regional hegemons, in other words, do not want peer competitors. Instead, they want to keep other regions divided among several great powers so that these states will compete with each other. In 1991, shortly after the Cold War ended, the first Bush administration boldly stated that the US was now the most powerful state in the world and planned to remain so. That same message appeared in the famous National Security Strategy issued by the second Bush administration in September 2002.

This document’s stance on pre-emptive war generated harsh criticism, but hardly a word of protest greeted the assertion that the US should check rising powers and maintain its commanding position in the global balance of power.

China — whether it remains authoritarian or becomes democratic – is likely to try to dominate Asia the way the US dominates the Western hemisphere.

Specifically, China will seek to maximize the power gap between itself and its neighbours, especially Japan and Russia. China will want to make sure that it is so powerful that no state in Asia has the wherewithal to threaten it. It is unlikely that China will pursue military superiority so that it can go on a rampage and conquer other Asian countries, although that is always possible. Instead, it is more likely that it will want to dictate the boundaries of acceptable behavior to neighbouring countries, much the way the US makes it clear to other states in the Americas that it is the boss. Gaining regional hegemony, I might add, is probably the only way that China will get Taiwan back.

An increasingly powerful China is also likely to try to push the US out of Asia, much the way the US pushed the European great powers out of the Western hemisphere. We should expect China to come up with its own version of the Monroe Doctrine, as Japan did in the 1930s. These policy goals make good strategic sense for China. Beijing should want a militarily weak Japan and Russia as its neighbours, just as the US prefers a militarily weak Canada and Mexico on its borders.

What state in its right mind would want other powerful states located in its region? All Chinese surely remember what happened in the 20th century when Japan was powerful and China was weak. In the anarchic world of international politics, it is better to be Godzilla than Bambi. Furthermore, why would a powerful China accept US military forces operating in its back yard? American policy-makers, after all, go ballistic when other great powers send military forces into the Western hemisphere. Those foreign forces are invariably seen as a potential threat to American security. The same logic should apply to China.

Why would China feel safe with US forces deployed on its doorstep? Following the logic of the Monroe Doctrine, would not China’s security be better served by pushing the American military out of Asia? Why should we expect the Chinese to act any differently than the US did? Are they more principled than the Americans are? More ethical? Less nationalistic? Less concerned about their survival? They are none of these things, of course, which is why China is likely to imitate the US and attempt to become a regional hegemon.

It is clear from the historical record how American policy-makers will react if China attempts to dominate Asia. The US does not tolerate peer competitors. As it demonstrated in the 20th century, it is determined to remain the world’s only regional hegemon. Therefore, the US can be expected to go to great lengths to contain China and ultimately weaken it to the point where it is no longer capable of ruling the roost in Asia. In essence, the US is likely to behave towards China much the way it behaved towards the Soviet Union during the Cold War.

China’s neighbours are certain to fear its rise as well, and they too will do whatever they can to prevent it from achieving regional hegemony. Indeed, there is already substantial evidence that countries such as India, Japan, and Russia, as well as smaller powers such as Singapore, South Korea and Vietnam, are worried about China’s ascendancy and are looking for ways to contain it. In the end, they will join an American-led balancing coalition to check China’s rise, much the way Britain, France, Germany, Italy, Japan, and even China, joined forces with the US to contain the Soviet Union during the Cold War.

Finally, given Taiwan’s strategic importance for controlling the sea lanes in East Asia, it is hard to imagine the US, as well as Japan, allowing China to control that large island. In fact, Taiwan is likely to be an important player in the anti-China balancing coalition, which is sure to infuriate China and fuel the security competition between Beijing and Washington. The picture I have painted of what is likely to happen if China continues its rise is not a pretty one. I actually find it categorically depressing and wish that I could tell a more optimistic story about the future. But the fact is that international politics is a nasty and dangerous business and no amount of goodwill can ameliorate the intense security competition that sets in when an aspiring hegemon appears in Eurasia.

That is the tragedy of great power politics.

Reprinted with permission of John Mearsheimer, Professor of political science at the

University of Chicago and the author of

The Tragedy of Great Power Politics (W.W. Norton, 2001).

Memorial Day, May 28, 2007.
President George W. Bush and Vice President Cheney
The White House
1600 Pennsylvania Ave NW
Washington DC 20500.
Re: Nguyen minh Triet?s visit in June 2007
DearPresident Bush and Vice President Cheney:
We express our grave concerns about the fact that you have approved a visit by Nguyen minh Triet to theWhite House, probably on June 22, 2007.
As a leader of the and also of the free world, you have several reasons to do so. Some people say that security for the region and for the world is one.Hanoi?s cooperation with the US in fighting the terror is another. And still, others explain that interest of business circles is a motive for you to make such decision.
This is a move you make to get close to the communist country. Briefly, for any or all reasons cited, you are the one who wants to raise the relationship between the and the Socialist Republic of Vietnam (SRV) up to a higher level . It is clear that you expect that the SRV becomes a close and loyal friend that cooperates with you. in achieving the goals.
In this letter, we do not discuss that expectation. However, we would like to raise the dark side of your decision and the consequence of it is an excessive burden on the Vietnamese people. Properly speaking, this is done at the expenses of the Vietnamese people.
In fact, last year, you allowed the name of the SRV to be removed from the CPC list, helped pass the PNTR bill, and then allowed it to join WTO, and yourself; you came to the meeting inHanoi. How haveHanoi leaders interpreted these facts? Let hear Vo van Kiet, former premier of the SRV and no 4 man in the Politburo of the communist party of Vietnam (CPV) say in The Communist Review No 123, issue of Feb.07 as follows?the fact that SRV joined WTO and that leaders of Major Powers were present at the meeting held inHanoi is an evidence that international communities recognize the leadership role of the party and the state in the process of integration?? Thus, the Party is a person who really holds overall power and achieve  political consensus which is a largest support to implement political system reforms.?
What does Kiet have in mind, when he makes this statement? Kiet wants to tell Vietnamese people and the whole world that   leaders of the major powers have conferred upon the Party full authority to act. And if anyone challenges the party about freedom and democracy, he will bear all burdens. An important thing in this situation should be noted that a picture of you, as a President of the USA making statements to the Vietnamese people when you stood under the statue of ?Uncle Ho? showed that is on their side. And this is evidence thatPresident Bush was supporting their policy. It is no doubt that as a result, a massive campaign of systematic repression has been carried out since then.
In fact, tough stance began after SRV got into WTO.
At first, some members of the Thang TiꮠParty were arrested. Then in February 18, 07 Father Nguyꮠvan Ly?s house in Hu꠷as searched and then he was taken away, and placed under house arrest in a remote church.
On March 30, 2007, Father Ly and some others such as NguyꮠPhong, Nguyꮠbinh Thanh, Hoang thi Anh Dao and Le thi Hang were sentenced  to imprisonment for ?committing propaganda activities against the government? by the Hu꠴ribunal court.
In separate cases, the following were also prosecuted for spreading propaganda against the regime and also received imprisonment sentences:
  • On May 10, 2007, Dr.Le nguyen Sang, Reporter Huynh nguyen Dao, Lawyer Nguyen bac Truyen, in Saigon.
  • On May 11, 2007, Lawyers Nguyen van Dai, Le thi Cong Nhan inHanoi.
  • On May 15, 2007, Lawyer Tran quoc Hien, in Saigon.
All international Human Rights Organizations have strongly criticized the move.
On May 15, 2007 in Bruxelles, President of theEuropean Union issued a Declaration on sentencing of human rights defenders, saying that ?the EU has noted with great concern that several peaceful human rights defenders have been arrested and given long prison sentences on charge of conducting propaganda against SRV.?
Germany and others strongly condemned such deplorable violations.
Now, as a president of the USA, you plan to receive Nguyꮠminh Tri괠at theWhite House under these circumstances, the communists would think that you approve their policy. Even, a status of a state visit is not granted or even if he is humiliated, he doesn?t care so long as he gets in theWhite House and has pictures taken with you.  This is a very important tactics for the CPV to hold on power.
We recommend that:
  1. SRV be required to release all political prisoners before Nguyꮠminh Triet is allowed to come to the US soil
  2. SRV be placed back on the CPC list
  3. SVR be denied a seat of non-permanent member of the UN Security Council. A country that has seriously and systematically violated Human Rights against its own people does not deserve to be member of that body and also does not deserve support by the. The need to use its veto power to giveHanoi a lesson as to how to behave as a civilized society.
We hope that you understand the seriousness of these communist atrocities.
The Vietnamese Americans.
1)  Pictures of Father Ly at trial in Hue March 30, 2007.

2) List of Prisoners
C.P. 51520 Boul. Tachereau, G.P. J4V, 3N8,Quebec, Canada.
Telephone:(514) 433-2875.    Fax:(514) 756-2447.
Following is the list of religious and political prisoners inVietnam as of May 2, 2007.
1.Bui Kim Thanh, Lawyer, member of TheVietnam?s Democratic Party XXI, resides at 152/43A Dien Bien Phu, P.25. Q.3, Saigon, advocated and supported the farmers – detained on Nov. 3, 2006 at the mental hospital in Bien Hoa, Room B4, Section 4, to stop her from exposing government unlawful land confiscation practices, within 4 days after arrest she was injected 20 times unknown medicine. Doctors at Cho Quan mental hospital certified she was normal
2.Doan Huy Chuong aka Hoang Huy Chuong, born 1985, worker in Bien Hoa 2?s Industry Zone, member of the United Workers-Farmers Organization ofViet Nam, arrested Nov. 14, 2006 in Dong Nai, detained at B5 Prison in Dong Nai
3.Doan Van Dien, father of Doan Huy Chuong, arrested Nov. 15, 2006, resides in Dinh Quan, born 1954, Mennonite, previously detained Sept 11, 06 for religious activities. Member of UWFO ofViet Nam
4.Duong Thi Tron, 60 years old, wife of Mr. Nguyen Van Tho, Women Charity leader of Hoa Hao Buddhist Church of Dong Thap, detained Oct. 2, 2006 along with her husband Nguyen Van Tho, jailed in Cao Lanh, Dong Thap without trial. Residence in Hoa Tan hamlet, Tan Hoa village, Lai Vung district, Dong Thap
5.Ho Thi Bich Khuong, farmer-rights advocate, detained Apr. 25, 2007 at an Internet cafe, Nam Anh village, Nam Dan district, Nghe An
6.Hong Trung, born 1964, pastor of Worldwide Seventh-day Adventist Church , leader of For The People Party, detained one week by Gia Lai security police on Nov. 9, 2006, arrested Feb 22, 2007
7.Huynh Nguyen Dao, journalist, pen name Huynh Viet Lang, leader of the People?s Democratic Party, arrested  Aug 15, 2006, jailed in 4 Phan Dang Luu, Saigon, born 1968, BA in philosophy
8.Huynh Tan Phat, cyber dissident, accused of abusing the freedom and democracy rights under Article 258 of the Penal Code
9.Le Ba Triet, business man, arrested Nov. 18, 2006 in Saigon, in suspicion with United Workers-Farmers Organization ofViet Nam, jailed in 4 Phan Dang Luu, Binh Thanh District, Saigon
10.Le Nguyen Sang, MD, pen name Nguyen Hoang Long, founder of the People?s Democratic Party, arrested Aug 14, 2006, jailed in 4 Phan Dang Luu, Saigon
11.Le Quoc Quan, lawyer,  resides in Nghe An, detained in Mar 8, 2007, his whereabouts is unknown, writer in human rights and democracy issues, visited US and attended NED?s seminars in early of Mar 2007, charged with violating article 79 of the penal code, attempting to overthrow the people?s government
12.Le Thi Cong Nhan, 28, lawyer,Hanoi, interrogated several times since Sept 12, 06, detained Mar 6, 2007, charged with Article 88 of the Penal Code for ?propagandising against the Socialist Republic of Vietnam? for advocating human rights and democracy
13.Le Trung Hieu, member of the People?s Democratic Party, arrested around Aug 25, 2006, jailed in Tien Giang
14.Le Van Soc, leader, Hoa Hao Buddhist Church of Vinh Long province, detained Nov. 4, 2006, jailed in Cao Lanh, Dong Thap without trial. Residence in Dong Thanh A hamlet, Dong Binh village, Binh Minh district, Vinh Long
15.Mai Thi Dung, 35 years old, 2005, jailed in Vinh Long, member of Hoa Hao Buddhist Church, detained Aug. 5, 2005, sentenced Sept. 27, 2005 for 5 years for disturbing the public order and against the government officials, along with her husband Vo Van Buu who got 7-year sentence, jailed in Xuan Loc, Dong Nai. She has a mother 76 and two children 14 and 11. Her mother?s address: Ms. Nguyen Thi Hue, No. 99, My Thanh hamlet, My An village, Cho Moi district, An Giang
16.Nguyen Bac Truyen, lawyer, 37, central member of the People?s Democratic Party, detained Jan 2007 in prison 4, Phan Dang Luu, Saigon
17.Nguyen Binh Thanh, sentenced Mar. 30, 2007, 5 years in prison and 2 years under house arrest for association with Father Ly and being a member of the Progression Party
18.Nguyen Ngoc Quang: Resided in 8th District, Saigon, member of 8406 group, interrogated Aug 5, 6, 10/06, detained Sept 2, 2006at B34 Prison, 237 Nguyen Van Cu, district 1, Saigon
19.Nguyen Phong, sentenced Mar. 30, 2007, 6 years in prison and 3 years under house arrest for association with Father Ly and being a leader of the Progression Party
20.Nguyen Tan Hoanh, founder of the United Workers-Farmers Organization ofViet Nam (UWFO), arrested Nov. 15, 2006 in Dong Nai province, detained at B5 Prison in Dong Nai, born 1984, was a worker at Seafood Import/Export Company in Dien Ban, Quang Nam, moved to Saigon, leader of several labor strikes
21.Nguyen Thanh Phong, 35 years old, member of Hoa Hao Buddhist Church, detained Aug. 5, 2005 along with his wife Nguyen Thi Ha, sentenced Sept. 27, 2005 for 6 years for disturbing the public order and against the government officials, jailed in Xuan Loc, Dong Nai, nephew of Mr. Vo Van Thanh Liem
22.Nguyen Thi Ha, 32 years old, member of Hoa Hao Buddhist Church, detained Aug. 5, 2005, sentenced on Sept. 27, 2005 for 4 years by An Giang?s court for disturbing the public order and against the government officials, along with her husband Nguyen Thanh Phong who got 6-year sentence, jailed in Xuan Loc, Dong Nai. She has a mother 74, two children 12 and 10. Her mother?s address: Ms. Le Thi Ut, No. 74, My Thanh hamlet, My An village, Cho Moi district, An Giang
23.Nguyen Thi Thanh, 50 years old, member of Hoa Hao Buddhist Church, detained Aug. 5, 2005, jailed in Vinh Long without trial. Residence in Phu Yen, Tuy Hoa
24.Nguyen ThiThuy Trang, young lawyer in theHo Chi Minh City office of Quan & Brothers, detained in Mar 7, 2007 at Nọ 4 Pham Dang Luu
25.Nguyen Thi Tuyet, worker and member of the United Workers-Farmers Organization ofViet Nam, joined several labor strikes in Dong Nai, arrested Nov. 15, 2006 in Saigon, situation unknown
26.Nguyen Tuan, artist/painter, arrested Nov. 18, 2006 in Saigon, in suspicion with United Workers-Farmers Organization ofViet Nam, jailed in 4 Phan Dang Luu
27.Nguyen Van Dai, 38, lawyer, detained Mar 6, 2007, prisoner No. 849V, cell 1719, prison No. 1 ofHanoi Security at Cau Dien, charged with Article 88 of the Penal Code for ?propagandising against the Socialist Republic of Vietnam? for advocating human rights and democracy
28.Nguyen Van Dien, 63 years old, member of Hoa Hao Buddhist Church, detained Aug. 5, 2005, sentenced Sept. 27, 2005 in An Giang for 7 years for disturbing the public order and against the government officials, jailed in Xuan Loc, Dong Nai. Contact: Mr. Nguyen Van Tho, No. 523, Hoa Tan hamlet, Tan Hoa village, Lai Vung district, Dong Thap
29.Thaddeus Nguyen Van Ly, 61, Catholic priest, sentenced Mar. 30, 2007, 8 years in prison and 5 years under house arrest, charged with Article 88.1.C of the Penal code for ?production, storage, and distribution of anti-government materials against the Socialist Republic of Vietnam? for publishing the Freedom of Speech magazine
30.Nguyen Van Ngoc, leader The Vietnamese Patriots Group, arrested Feb 28, 2007 in Dong Nai province, location unknown
31.Nguyen Van Tho, 62 years old, leader, Hoa Hao Buddhist Church of Dong Thap province, detained Oct. 2, 2006 along with his wife Duong Thi Tron, jailed in Cao Lanh, Dong Thap without trial. Residence in Hoa Tan hamlet, Tan Hoa village, Lai Vung district, Dong Thap
32.Nguyen Van Thuy, Youth leader, Hoa Hao Buddhist Church of Vinh Long province, detained Nov. 22, 2006, jailed in Cao Lanh, Dong Thap without trial. Residence in Dong Thanh hamlet, Dong Binh village, Binh Minh district, Vinh Long
33.Nguyen Vu Binh, sentenced 7 years, imprisoned since 2003 in Ba Sao prison, seriously sick with very high blood pressure and digestive system disorder
34.Pham Ba Hai: Resides in Hoc Mon, stopped travel toIndia for work, member of 8406 group, detained Sept 8, 2006 inThai Binh then transported to B34 prison
35.To Van Manh, 55 years old, member of Hoa Hao Buddhist Church, detained Aug. 5, 2005, sentenced Sept. 27, 2005 for 6 years by An Giang?s court for disturbing the public order and against the government officials, jailed in Xuan Loc, Dong Nai. He has a wife and 3 children. Wife?s address: Ms. Le Thi Bich, No. 93, An Thai hamlet, My An Hung village, Lap Vo district, Dong Thap
36.Tran Khai Thanh Thuy, born 1960, writer, pen name Nguyen Thai Hoang, interrogated and detained Sept 3, 06, arrested April 21, 2007 for propaganda against the government (Article 88 Penal Code), resides in Long Bien,Hanoi
37.Tran Quoc Hien, speaker of the United Workers-Farmers Organization ofViet Nam, 8406 Group, arrested Jan 12, 2007 and detained at 4 Phan Dang Luu, Saigon
38.Tran Thi Le Hang aka Nguyen Thi Le Hong, founder of United Workers-Farmers Organization ofViet Nam, arrested Nov. 15, 2006 in Dong Nai province, detained at B5 Prison in Dong Nai, born 1959, farmer and worker, involved in several labor strikes
39.Tran Thanh Phong, 35 years old, jailed in Vinh Long, member of Hoa Hao Buddhist Church, detained Aug. 5, 2005, sentenced on Sept. 27, 2005 for 6 years by An Giang?s court along with his wife Nguyen Thi Ha who got 4-year sentence. He has a mother 74, two children 12 and 10. His mother?s address: Ms. Le Thi Ut, No. 74, My Thanh hamlet, My An village, Cho Moi district, An Giang
40.Tran Tuan, painter
41.Trinh Quoc Thao, leader of The Vietnamese Patriots Group, arrested Feb 28, 2007 in Dong Nai province, location unknown
42.Truong Quoc Huy, 25-year old, member of 8406 group, reside in 10th District, Saigon, detained 9 months without trial from Oct. 19, 2005 to Jul. 7, 2006, released for over 1 month, re-arrested Aug. 18, 2006, a cyber dissident, accused of abusing the freedom and democracy rights under Article 258 of the Penal Code jailed in B4, 237 Nguyen Van Cu, Saigon
43.Truong Van Suong, life sentence, Ba Sao prison
44.Vo Van Buu, 37 years old, member of Hoa Hao Buddhist Church, self-immolation Aug. 5, 2005 but was saved, sentenced Sept. 27, 2005 in An Giang for 7 years for disturbing the public order and against the government officials, jailed in Xuan Loc, Dong Nai. His wife, Mai Thi Dung, also sentenced for 6 years by the same court. He has a mother 76 and two children 14 and 11. His mother?s address: Ms. Nguyen Thi Hue, No. 99, My Thanh hamlet, My An village, Cho Moi district, An Giang
45.Vo Van Thanh Liem, 60 years old, member of Hoa Hao Buddhist Church , detained Aug. 5, 2005 along with nephew Nguyen Thanh Long, sentenced Sept. 18, 2005 for 6 years for disturbin g the public order and against the government officials, jailed in Xuan Loc, Dong Nai. Residence in Long Dien A, Cho Moi, An Giang
46.Vu Hoang Hai, Reside in 4th District, Saigon, member of 8406 group, interrogated, beaten, neck injury, detained Sept 5, 2006
47.Vuong Quoc Hoai, in Ha Tay, Protestant pastor (Muc Su Co Doc Phuc Lam), Son Ha Democracy Youths Group, joined the Progressive Party, interrogated Sept 13, 06 and detained at unknown location
48.Vu Van Hung, teacher at public high school Bich Hoa, Ha Tay, born 1966, reside in Ha Dong, detained April 18, 2007 for democracy and human rights advocate.

[News from Congressman Chris Smith - 4th New Jersey

Memo to Hanoi
by Reps. Chris Smith, Bart Stupak and Frank Wolf

A Catholic priest who has already spent over 13 years in prison is rearrested and sentenced to eight more years for serving as an advisor to a democracy movement and a new political party. A woman, whose husband had recently been released from jail after serving time for spreading pro-democracy material, is hit by a car — believed to be driven and occupied by plainclothes police officers — in an effort to intimidate her and prevent her from meeting with the U.S. Ambassador. A lawyer who travels to the U.S. to serve as a Fellow at the National Endowment for Democracy is arrested within a week of his return home, and charged with engaging in activities aimed at overthrowing the government.

While these stories sound like they were lifted from the files of the KGB, they are, in reality, all events that have recently taken place in Vietnam.

Each event, while outrageous and appalling, is also regrettably predictable. Vietnam claims to have put an end to human rights abuses, but its so-called reforms have turned out to be nothing more than smoke and mirrors. The Vietnamese government continues to carry out human rights abuses with impunity.

Earlier this week, the U.S. House of Representatives passed a resolution we sponsored to once again insist that the government of Vietnam stop playing games with human rights. Our resolution calls on the Socialist Republic of Vietnam to immediately and unconditionally release all political prisoners and prisoners of conscience who have been arrested in a recent wave of government oppression.

That includes Father Nguyen Van Ly, the aforementioned Catholic priest, who was sentenced to eight years in prison merely for attempting to exercise his fundamental human right of peacefully advocating for change in Vietnam. Father Ly’s kangaroo court proceedings were over before they started. Given no defense lawyer, he was left to fend for himself in a courtroom where his guilt was predetermined and his mouth muzzled as he attempted to stand up for his rights.

He is not alone. Around the same time Father Ly was hauled in, Vietnamese police arrested the principal spokesperson for the Vietnam Progression Party and the founder of the Vietnamese Labor Movement, Le Thi Cong Nhan. On the same day Father Ly was arrested — March 6, 2007 — Vietnamese police arrested one of Vietnam’s few practicing human rights lawyers, Nguyen Van Dai.

Along with the disgraceful attempts to silence political opposition, the regime in Hanoi continues to repress religious freedom and persecute members of the Cao Dai religion, the Unified Buddhist Church of Vietnam, Hoa Hao Buddhists and the Montagnards from the Central Highlands. Labor rights are nearly non-existent and the Vietnamese government has made little to no progress in ending the horrific crime of human trafficking in their country.

The conviction of Father Ly and the arrests of Mr. Dai and Ms. Nhan violate Article 69 of the Vietnamese Constitution and are in contravention of the rights enshrined in the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), to which Vietnam is a state party. Father Ly and the other dissidents merely want a better future for their country. They are smart, talented and kind people — some of Vietnam’s best, brightest and bravest. They harbor no malice toward, and have in no way advocated violence against, the Vietnamese government.

Much like Vaclav Havel, Lech Walesa and other champions of democracy who helped bring about the peaceful end of communism in Eastern Europe, these individuals are heroes. They and their families are consistently harassed, persecuted and, in many cases, incarcerated and tortured solely because they advocate for a Vietnam where they and their countrymen can speak freely, vote in free and fair elections, and practice their faith.

Tyranny hates and fears public exposure, so we must keep attention focused like a laser beam on Vietnam’s ongoing human rights violations. The U.S. House of Representatives has vigorously called for reform through passage of our resolution, giving a voice to the dissidents in Vietnam who continue to be silenced by the regime, and demanding that the government of Vietnam complies with internationally recognized standards for basic freedoms and human rights. The international community — especially Vietnam’s neighbors and trading partners — should follow suit with a similar resolution to bring pressure to bear on the regime.

When Vietnam joined the World Trade Organization (WTO) in 2006, membership was granted in light of assurances that the Vietnamese government was steadily improving its human rights record and would continue to do so. This recent crackdown is a significant step backward. The norms and responsibilities of joining the international community do not end with WTO membership. Rather, a constant commitment to protecting and promoting human rights should be required of all member states. If Vietnam’s leaders are unwilling to live up to the obligations of WTO membership, then they are undeserving of the benefits that come from it.

Human rights are central — and must be at the absolute core of our relationship with any government. Vietnam shouldn’t be an exception.


The authors are members of the U.S. House of Representatives. Mr. Smith is a Republican of New Jersey; Mr. Stupak is a Democrat of Michigan; Mr. Wolf is a Republican of Virginia.

For Immediate Release: May 4, 2007
Contact:  Patrick Creamer (202) 225-3765                                                                                                                                    


of Freedom and Democracy for Vietnam in 2006

by 118 Vietnamese fighters in Vietnam

English version by Viet Si & Rev. Phan Van Loi

Vietnam, April 8th, 2006

Dear respected our fellow-countrymen inside and outside Vietnam :

            We, the undersigned, representatives of hundreds of democratic fighters in Vietnam and all people who are craving for an authentic Democracy for our beloved Mother Land, Vietnam, unanimously declare :

I- Real situations of Vietnam

In the Revolution of August 1945, the choice of all Vietnamese was National Independence, not Socialism. The Declaration of Independence dated September 2nd, 1945 by Ho Chi Minh did not mention a single word about Socialism or Communism. Two main causes that made that August Revolution successful were the People’s Aspiration for National Independence and The gap of power in Vietnam during that time (The French colonists were unseated from power by Japanese on March 9th, 1945 and the Japanese surrendered the Allied Force on August 15th, 1945).    

            Obviously, the objective of that August Revolution has been maliciously exchanged by the Comnunist Party. And naturally, the Right of Self-Determination for Vietnamese people has been totally abolished. There were, at least, two historic opportunities in North Vietnam in 1954 and in whole Vietnam in 1975 for all Vietnamese people to execute their Right of Self-Determination. But all this has never been implemented by the malicious Communist Party of Vietnam (CPV). Because when the dictatorship of the proletariat is etablished, according to Lenin, its very first function is Violence, Terrorism and Suppression.

            2- On September 2nd, 1945 in Ha Noi. Ho Chi Minh, President of the Provisional Government of Democratic and Republic Vietnam solemnly declared to the Vietnamese People and to the whole world: “Everybody is born equal. The Creator gives them rights which cannot be violated by anybody. Of these rights, there are the right to live, right to be free and right to seek happiness. That immortal statement is in the Declaration of Independence of the U.S. in 1776 : Generalized, it means that every People in the world have been born equal, have right to live, right to seek happiness and right to be free. The Declaration of Human and Civil Rights of the French Revolution in 1791 also says : “People are born free and equal in interests and are always granted freedom and equality in interests”. This is the Righteousness which cannot be refused by anybody” (Excerpts of Vietnam Declaration of Independence dated September 2nd, 1945).

            However, all these sacred Rights of the Vietnamese People have been trampled  brazenly immediately after the communist  government had been formed.

            3- In February, 1951, the Manisfestation of the Labor Party of Vietnam (currently the CPV) in the Second General Assembly stated : “The Party’s Ideology is Marxism-Leninism”.  And the party’s Regulations, section objective and guiding principles clearly stated : “The Labor Party of Vietnam utilizes Marxism, Engelism, Leninism, Stalinism and Mao Tse Tung’s thoughts, combined with realities of Vietnamese  Revolution, as foundation of thoughts and lodestar for all the Party’s actions…”

            Since then, especially in North Vietnam after 1954 and in the whole nation after April 30, 1954, the phantom of communism always has depressed and haunted Vietnamese People’s minds.  It is that phantom, not any other things, has destroyed almost Vietnamese People’s Rights.  And today, that phantom is still temporarily occupying in both spirit and physical aspects of the whole Vietnamese People.

II- Universal Rule

History has proven that all rights of freedom and democracy under any totalitarian government, whether communist or not, have been mercilessly trampled, differently only in degrees. Unfortunately, Vietnam is still one of the nations in the world which has been governed by the totalitarian communist regime.  It is, in fact, reflected in the fourth article of the Constitution of the Socialist Republic of Vietnam of 1992: “The CPV…following Marxism-Leninism and Ho Chi Minh’s Thoughts, is force leading the government and the society”. Therefore, the People’s rights of freedom and democracy have been completely abolished. Only exist some broken tiny pieces of theses.

            2- It is this power-system which never accepts competition and replacement has strongly pushed up the momentum of backwardness and degeneration of the whole system.  Because there are no regulations and principles for fair competitions on political arena, therefore, the people cannot select the fittest persons and political forces after the elections. Hence, the leadership and management machine have been more and more corrupted and dismantled from central to local government. Consequently Vietnam today has become a nation lagged far behind in comparison with other nations in the area and on the world. The national shame and other nationwide disasters are extremely difficult to be wiped out.  The issue of all issues and the cause of all causes is that : the CPV, is the sole political force who assumes the leadership in our country. The realities have proven that countries fallen in the orbit of communism all have been devastated tragically.  Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR), the cradle of Communism, and other socialist nations in Eastern Europe, have been bravely overcome themselves to find the right way for their People.   

            3- We all understand : Nobody can correct history, but can redirect history. And the most important thing is with historical lessons, we can make a good orientation for the future. The past way of our people has been hastily and immaturely chosen by the CPV which imposed it with force on our People. That way has been proven totally wrong by reality. Therefore, today, we, Vietnamese People, have to choose again the way for all of us. And surely, the choice of the whole People will be better than the choice of one single person or a group of persons.  The CPV is only a part of Vietnamese People, therefore, it cannot assume wrongfully the People’s name to make the choice.  Before the People and History throughout over half of the past century (1954-2006), that party in power has usurped the name and has never the righteousness. The simple reason is the truthfully free elections never have been existed in Vietnam.

            From the situation and rule above-mentioned, with the responsibility consciousness of citizens before the destiny of our beloved country, we beg to make known our thoughts to our fellow-countrymen inside and outside Vietnam, as follows :  

III – Goals, methods and meanings of the fight

The most lofty goal in the fight for Freedom and Democracy for our People today is to replace completely the current political regime, not to renovate it partially or only to “adjust” it pettily. Concretely, the current unitary, one-party political regime, without competiton on political area, must be converted to a pluralist, multiparty political regime, with wholesome competition, to meet our Country’s legitimate demands. In which the three powers system : Legislative, Executive and Judiciary have to be clearly separated, in accordance with international standards and experience of the humanity from the costly and successful democracies.

            The concrete goal is to re-establish the basic rights for the whole People as follows:

            – Freedom of Speech in accordance with the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, voted by the United Nations on December 16, 1966 and the Socialist Republic of Vietnam has signed up to participate on September 24, 1982, article 19, 2: “Everyone shall have the right to freedom of expression; this right shall include freedom to seek, receive and impart information and ideas of all kinds, regardless of frontiers, either orally, in writing or in print, in the form of art, or through any other media of his choice” . It means political parties, organizations and individuals have rights to freedom of speech via newspapers, radio stations, televisions, and any other mass media without the permission of the government.     

            – Freedom of meeting, creating associations and political parties, of voting and standing for election in accordance with the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights,article 25 : “Every citizen shall have the right and the opportunity… (a) to take part in the conduct of public affairs, directly or through freely chosen representatives ; (b) To vote and to be elected at genuine periodic elections which shall be by universal and equal suffrage and shall be held by secret ballot, guaranteeing the free expression of the will of the electors”. It means political parties of all tendencies compete fairly in an authentic pluralist, poly-party democracy. 

            – Freedom of organising trade unions and of striking legitimately in accordance with the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, voted by the United Nations on December 16, 1966 and the Socialist Republic of Vietnam has signed up to participate on September 24, 1982, article 7 and 8 :“The States Parties to the present Covenant recognize the right of everyone to the enjoyment of just and favourable conditions of work…             The right of everyone to form trade unions and join the trade union of his choice, subject only to the rules of the organization concerned, for the promotion and protection of his economic and social interests….(with) the right to strike”. These trade unions must be the sole organisations with independent activities; there must not be kinds of trade unions watcher-aides of the government.

            – Freedom of religion according to the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, article 18 : “Everyone shall have the right to freedom of thought, conscience and religion. This right shall include freedom to have or to adopt a religion or belief of his choice, and freedom, either individually or in community with others and in public or private, to manifest his religion or belief in worship, observance, practice and teaching”. These religions must be independent in theirs activities and cannot be transformed into instruments of the government.   

Method of this fight is peace and non-violence. And it is Vietnamese People who takes the initiative in carrying out this fight. However, we profoundly appreciate the passionate and increasingly efficient support of our friends around the world.  Via the modern means of communication and the increasingly open international relations, we will find all means to help our fellow-countrymen to complete their knowledge. Once having a clear and correct knowledge, the people will act appropriately and effectively.

            3- The meaning of this fight is to make “Righteousness wins Wrongness”, progress wins backwardness, the People’s forces which are applying correctly the principles of life and trends of our time win the evil forces which are trying to counteract these trends and principles. The CPV is whether going along with the Vietnamese people or not, that depends on the degree whether the CPV is objective, fair, lucid and humble enough to accept the principles of fair competition. Only the one-party political regime must be permanently and definitely buried in the grave of the past. Since then, the People will find out the best persons and parties after each election to lead our nation. The principle “The Righteousness triumphs !” will be established and individual life will become much better, society will become more human and our fellow-contrymen will live together much more friendly.   

            We sincerely wish this Declaration will encourage positive contributions from our fellow-contrymen inside and outside Vietnam and the support of our friends around the world. We profoundly thank and call on the United Nations, the Congresses/Parliaments, the Governments, the International Organizations and our friends worldwide to continue supporting passionately and effectively this just fight, contributing to help our Vietnamese Fatherland soon to go along with other civilized , ethical, prosperous and free nations in the international community.

Jointly declared and signed in Vietnam on April 8th, 2006

1. Bs Nguyễn Xuân An, Huế

2. Gv Đặng Hoài Anh, Huế

3. Gv Đặng Văn Anh, Huế

4. Bs. Lê Hoài Anh, Nha Trang

5. Gs Nguyễn Kim Anh, Huế

6. Gs Nguyễn Ngọc Anh, Đà Nẵng

7. Nv Trịnh Cảnh, Vũng Tàu

8. Lm F.X. Lê Văn Cao, Huế

9. Gv Lê Cẩn, Huế

10. Lm Giuse Hoàng Cẩn, Huế

11. Gv Trần Thị  Minh Cầm, Huế

12. Lm Giuse Nguyễn Văn Chánh, Huế

13.Gv Nguyễn Thị Linh Chi, Cần Thơ

14. Gs Hoàng Minh Chính, Hà Nội

15.Gv Nguyễn Viết Cử, Quảng Ngãi

16. Ths Đặng Quốc Cường, Huế

17. Nv Nguyễn Đắc Cường, Phan Thiết

18. Dn Hồ Ngọc Diệp, Đà Nẵng

19. Gv Trần Doãn, Quảng Ngãi

20. Lê Thị Phú Dung, Sài Gòn

21. Gv Hồ Anh Dũng, Huế

22. Gs Trương Quang Dũng, Huế

23. Bs Hà Xuân Dương, Huế

24. Cựu Đại tá Phạm Quế Dương, Hà Nội

25. Ls Nguyễn Văn Đài, Hà Nội

26. Kt Trần Văn Đón, Phan Thiết

27. Bs Hồ Đông, Vĩnh Long

28. Lm Phêrô Nguyễn Hữu Giải, Huế

29. Dn Trần Văn Ha, Đà Nẵng

30. Gv Lê Thị Bích Hà, Cần Thơ

31. Bs Lê Thị  Ngân Hà, Huế

32. Gv Lê Nguyễn Xuân Hà, Huế

33. Vũ Thuý Hà, Hà Nội

34. Ks Đỗ Nam Hải, Sài Gòn

35. Gv Trần Thạch Hải, Hải Phòng

36. Kt Trần Việt Hải, Vũng Tàu

37. Ks Đoàn Thị Diệu Hạnh, Vũng Tàu

38. Dn Nguyễn Thị Hạnh, Đà Nẵng

39. Gv Phan Thị Minh Hạnh, Huế

40. Gs Đặng Minh Hảo, Huế

41. Nv Trần Hảo, Vũng Tàu

42. Nv Trần Mạnh Hảo, Sài Gòn

43. Gv Lê Lệ Hằng, Huế

44. Lm Giuse Nguyễn Đức Hiểu, Bắc Ninh

45. Yt Chế Minh Hoàng, Nha Trang

46. Gv Văn Đình Hoàng, Huế

47. Gv Lê Thu Minh Hùng, Sài Gòn

48. Gs Nguyễn Minh Hùng, Huế

49. Lm Gk Nguyễn Văn Hùng, Huế

50. Gv Phan Ngọc Huy, Huế

51. Gv Lê Thị Thanh Huyền, Huế

52. Gv Đỗ Thị Minh Hương, Huế

53. Ths Mai Thu Hương, Hải Phòng

54. Yt Trần Thu Hương, Đà Nẵng

55. PTs Nguyễn Ngọc Kế, Huế

56. Gs Nguyễn Chính Kết, Sài Gòn

57. Ths Nguyễn Quốc Khánh, Huế

58. Gv Nguyễn Đăng Khoa, Huế

59. Gs Trần Khuê, Sài Gòn

60. Cựu Thiếu tá Vũ Kính, Hà Nội

61. Nv Bùi Lăng, Phan Thiết

62. Gv Tôn Thất Hoàng Lân, Sài Gòn

63. Hội trưởng PGHHTT Lê Quang Liêm, SGN

64. Bs Vũ Thị Hoa Linh, Sài Gòn

65. Lm  G.B. Nguyễn Cao Lộc, Huế

66. Lm Phêrô Phan Văn Lợi, Huế

67. Gv Ma Văn Lựu, Hải Phòng

68. Gv Nguyễn Văn Lý, Hải Phòng

69. Lm Tađêô Nguyễn Văn Lý, Huế

70. Gv Cái Thị Mai, Hải Phòng

71. Gv Cao Thị Xuân Mai, Huế

72. Gv Nguyễn Văn Mai, Sài Gòn

73. Nv Hà Văn Mầu, Cần Thơ

74. Gv Phan Văn Mậu, Huế

75. Nv Lê Thị Thu Minh, Cần Thơ

76. Gv Ma Văn Minh, Huế

77. Gv Nguyễn Anh Minh, Sài Gòn

78. Bs Huyền Tôn Nữ Phương Nhiên, Đà Nẵng

79. Bùi Kim Ngân, Hà Nội

80. Ths Đặng Hoài Ngân, Huế

81. Lm G.B. Lê Văn Nghiêm, Huế

82. Gv Lê Hồng Phúc, Hải Phòng

83. Lm Đa Minh Phan Phước, Huế

84. Ks Võ Lâm Phước, Sài Gòn

85. Lm Giuse Cái Hồng Phượng, Huế

86. Ms Nguyễn Hồng Quang, Sài Gòn

87. Ks Tạ Minh Quân, Cần Thơ

88. Lm Augustinô Hồ Văn Quý, Huế

89. Lm Giuse Trần Văn Quý, Huế

90. Bs Võ Văn Quyền, Vĩnh Long

91. Bs. Trần Thị Sen, Nha Trang

92. Cư sĩ PGHHTT Lê Văn Sóc, Vĩnh Long

93. Ks Hoàng Sơn, Hải Phòng

94. Lm Phaolô Ngô Thanh Sơn, Huế

95. Gs Nguyễn Anh Tài, Đà Nẵng

96. Ks Đỗ Hồng Tâm, Hải Phòng

97. Bs. Tạ Minh Tâm, Cần Thơ

98. Gs Nguyễn Thành Tâm, Huế

99. Ms Phạm Ngọc Thạch, Sài Gòn

100. Gv Nguyễn Bình Thành, Huế

101. Gv Văn Bá Thành, Huế

102. Cư sĩ PGHHTT Nguyễn Văn Thơ, Đ. Tháp

103. Ths Trần Mạnh Thu, Hải Phòng

104. Gs Ts Trần Hồng Thư, Sài Gòn

105. Nhà văn Hoàng Tiến, Hà Nội

106. Cựu Sĩ quan Trần Dũng Tiến, Hà Nội

107. Lm Têphanô Chân Tín, Sài Gòn

108. Gv Nguyễn Khắc Toàn, Hà Nội

109. Nv Tôn Nữ Minh Trang, Phan Thiết

100. Gv Chế Thị Hồng Trinh, Huế

111. Bs Nguyễn Anh Tú, Đà Nẵng

112. Bs Đoàn Minh Tuấn, Sài Gòn

113. Gv Lê Trí Tuệ, Hải Phòng

114. Yt Trần Thị Hoài Vân, Nha Trang

115. Gv Ngô Thị Tường Vi, Quảng Ngãi

116. Gv Nguyễn Lê Xuân Vinh, Cần Thơ

117. Ths Hồ Ngọc Vĩnh, Đà Nẵng

118. Ks Lâm Đình Vĩnh, Sài Gòn  

Democratic Fighters inside and outside Vietnam sign up to participate :

119. Chiến sĩ DC Việt Sĩ – San Jose, USA

120. Mục sư Ngô Hoài Nở, Sài Gòn

121. Lm Nguyên Thanh, USA

122. Trần Đan Tâm, nhà giáo, London

123. Giang Nguyễn, kỹ sư, London

124. Mai Nguyễn, giáo viên, London

125. Nguyễn Mai Giang Vân, kỹ sư, London

126. Mai Thị Vân, y tá, London

127. Ngọc Trần, sinh viên, TP London

128. Quân Trần, sinh viên Oxford

129. Trần Nam, kỹ sư, Washington, USA

130. Nguyễn T. Khương, bác sĩ

131. Peter Tôn Thất, tiến sĩ, London

132. Trần Văn Đơn, công nhân, Manchester

133. Đỗ Sung, hưu trí, TP Leicester

134. Cường Phạm, MSc. Birmingham

135. Nguyễn Phượng, giáo sư, Birmingham

136. Phạm Luy, thương gia, Birmingham


138. Lê Thanh Lập, hưu trí, Birmingham

139.NguyễnVăn Tân, tiểu thương, Birmingham

140. Trang Thế Khương (Trà Bồng), Australia

141. Đinh Xuân Long, Linh mục, USA

142. Đinh Xuân Tâm, Linh mục, Đức quốc

143. Trần Xuân Tâm, Linh mục, USA

144. Trần Quý Thiện, Linh mục, USA

146. Nguyễn Hữu Lễ, Linh mục, New Zealand

146. Nguyễn Minh Cần, Nga

147. Bùi Tín, Paris

148. Vũ Thư Hiên

149. Nguyễn Chí Thiện, Thi sĩ, Pháp

150. LS Lâm Lễ Trinh

151. LS Nguyễn Hữu Thống

152. TS Võ Nhân Trí

153. GS Tôn Thất Thiện

154. BS Nguyễn Tường Bách

155. TS Âu Dương Thệ

156. GS Vũ Thiện Hân

157. Thẩm Phán Phan Quang Tuệ

158. GS Đỗ Quý Toàn

159. BS Nguyễn Tiến Cảnh

160. KS Đỗ Như Điện

161. KS Lê Minh Nguyên

162. GS Nguyễn Thanh Trang

163. LS Nguyễn Quốc Lân

164. Ts Hoàng Tư Duy

165. KS Đoàn Việt Trung

166. Ts Lữ Anh Thư

167. KS Trần Quốc Dũng

168. Nv Trương Anh Thụy

169. Nv Chu Bá Yến

170. Nv Đinh Quang Anh Thái

171. Trần Việt Hải

172. HT Thích Nguyên An

173. TT Thích Nguyên Trí

174. MS Đặng Ngọc Báu.